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Put to the test

What will changes in Arizona’s political landscape mean for Latino voters?

The upcoming primary elections on Sept. 12, and the general election on Nov. 8, are the first big tests for Latinos since they re-introduced politics by protest into Arizona’s political dynamics.

Post-march political maneuvering has already created new strategies and coalitions. For example, in the formerly segregated community of Mesa, political necessity may be inventing a very unique alliance.

The Mesa Association of Hispanic Citizens offices lie a few miles away from the Mormon Temple, a white-tiled building that is the heart of a conservative sphere of influence.

Pat Esparza is MAHC’s first paid executive director since the Mesa-based Latino advocacy group was formed in 1987. Esparza ran for Mesa City Council in a failed bid last year, and is one of several MAHC members who are determined to eventually get into elected office.

"As a result of the marches, here in the East Valley MAHC decided to run with that momentum," says Esparza, who looks and talks like a senior-level corporate executive in her dark business pantsuit. She says MAHC has formed a coalition of about a dozen independent advocacy groups, including immigrants.

Despite election setbacks, important people are courting MAHC, she says. For example, Chris Bradley, Mesa’s city manager, and new Police Chief George Gascon met with MAHC lately.

But the most important encounter occurred last month. The distinguished visitors were Elder Petersen, the Mesa Temple’s director, and Mesa attorneys David Udall and Wilford Anderson. These are known as the "Big 3" in the elite Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints hierarchy. MAHC laid its goal on the table: To get state arch conservative Rep. Russell Pearce out of the Legislature.

Phil Austin, MAHC’s president, says the LDS leadership knows Hispanics are predicted to become the majority population in Mesa by 2030.

"They indicated that Russell Pearce didn’t represent the Mormon voice," Austin recalls. "I think they recognize that they have to work together with the Latino community on issues, not out of charity, but because working together will benefit the whole Mesa community," he says.

CHANGES COMING

Fanned by the momentum of climbing Latino numbers and increased political activity, the dust devils of change are swirling through Arizona’s political landscape.

These mounting winds scatter to the four compass points: the East Valley and Pinal County to the east; Tucson to the south; Flagstaff to the north; and Yuma to the west.

The gusts are pushed by issues other than immigration, such as a higher state minimum wage, the development of farmlands, the education of Latino students, and health care for families.

In addition, both Democrats and Republican are forming election strategies, partly based on their frustrations. These strategies will directly affect Latinos.

State GOP strategists indicate they’re fed up with their bills being battered like a piñata by Gov. Janet Napolitano’s record number of vetos. They are aiming for nothing less than a veto-proof Legislature dominated by Republicans. The party has targeted two Senate seats, one with a sitting Latina lawmaker, another with a strong Latina candidate.

"This governor has thwarted the will of the elected Legislature at every opportunity," says Garrick Taylor, spokesperson for the Arizona Republican Party. Taylor adds that the party is working with the Arizona Latino Republican Association to get out Hispanic votes.

The Arizona Democratic Party has hired Francisco Heredia as their Hispanic outreach organizer. He says incumbent Latino Democrats must keep their leadership roles in the Legislature. And the party is supporting the candidacy of Israel Torres to try to take the secretary of state’s office from Republican Jan Brewer.

Odds are that voters will return Arizona Congressional Latino leaders such as Ed Pastor and Raul Grijalva to the nation’s Capitol to battle the Republican agenda.

"Luckily we have our governor here in Arizona, but nationally, it’s really tough for leaders such as Rep. Raul Grijalva to pass legislation, due to the Republican advantage," he says.

IN THE LINE OF FIRE

To the east, in Arizona Senate District 23, Rebecca Rios finds herself in the cross hairs of Republican political aims.

Transplants from across the nation are moving into the growing cities in her district, lured to towns like Queen Creek and Maricopa by cheaper housing. Many are Republicans, and she sees her district’s edge in registered Democrats slipping away. Her race will be a tight one, she knows.

She worries not only for her own seat but about what she calls "Republican Plan B" for short-circuiting the sitting Governor’s power.

"The Republicans know they can’t beat her," Rios says.

Republicans have targeted three districts, two in the Senate, and one in the House, for runs by strong GOP candidates. Gaining those seats would ensure at two-thirds majority, enough to override Napolitano’s vetos.

Also campaigning in the bull’s-eye of the anti-Napolitano strategy is Amanda Aguirre in Senate District 23. Aguirre appeared to have a clear road to the Senate seat when a court convicted Republican opponent Russell Jones of petition forgery in July. Jones re-entered the race when the state Supreme Court overturned that judgment.

Rios says Republicans will try to paint her and other Latino legislators as friends to undocumented immigrants. Her response will be to highlight other important issues, such as health care for Latino families, better education for students, and ensuring a long-term water supply for the cities and farms of her district.

Down south in Tucson, the hottest race is the 11-way contest for Arizona’s 8th Congressional District, where incumbent Jim Kolbe is retiring. Which party’s candidate wins the seat could help swing the advantage to that party in the U.S. House of Representatives.

The lone Latino Democratic candidate is Alex Rodriguez, who holds a master’s degree from Harvard. He sits on the board of the Tucson Unified School District. He works at Raytheon Missile Systems and a former advisor to the Pentagon.

Latino state Rep. Tom Prezelski from District 29 sees Rodriguez as a good candidate, but believes that the Tucson media is playing up Democrat Patty Wiess as a favorite − although she has no political experience − because of her name recognition after 30 years as news anchor for a local TV station.

To the north, the Latino numbers have grown in Coconino and Yavapai counties, says Liz Archuleta, chair of the Coconino County Board of Supervisors.

Latino political power in Flagstaff took a hit when Libby Silva and Michael Vasquez lost their seats on the city council last year. Senate and House District 1 have no Latinos running this election. Priority issues up north include creating affordable housing and more jobs, she says.

"We have a lot of people who are working several jobs to live here," Archuleta says.

"We have made some good gains in terms of representation here. We have candidates to represent us at the school board, in the courts, and I’m at the county level. We need to work at the city council level again."

Another key Legislature race is in House District 14, where incumbent Robert Meza faces four Democratic challengers and one Republican. Meza is the favorite because of the legislative leadership and ability to work with the other party’s lawmakers.

In addition to stimulating Latinos to political activism, the marches may leave yet another political legacy that will pay out in the future, especially when it comes to future generations of politicians.

Silvia Rodriguez, 19, is a political science and Chicano studies student at ASU. She plans to run for the state Legislature when she graduates. She says she knows other young Latinos that feel the same way.

"There are more young Latinos who want to get involved in politics, because they want to help, and to change our society," she says.